Georgia State University Law Review
Georgia State University
Law Review
Volume 19 |
Number 2 |
Winter 2002 |
Restraining U.S. Violations of International Law:
An Attempt to Curtail Stun Belt Use and Manufacture in the
United States Under the United Nations Convention Against Torture
Plamen I. Russev
Introduction
The United States
ratified the United Nations Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman
or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT)
in November 1994.
CAT embodies the broad prohibition of all instances of torture as defined by
international law.
At the same time, the United States remains the world leader in developing,
marketing, selling, and exporting non-lethal weapons that serve as torture
devices in the hands of law enforcement officials at home and abroad.
Increasingly, these torture devices rely on the latest technological
innovations to inflict severe pain with minimal or no physical signs of abuse.
For example, U.S. manufacturers produce and export
high-voltage electro-shock stun guns and stun belts in great quantities but
without public scrutiny, impartial testing, or any regulation of design and
use.
This Note considers whether the
manufacture and use of stun belts by law enforcement officials violate CAT.
Part I describes the design, medical consequences, and proliferation of stun
belt use both in the United States and abroad and highlights the device’s
significant potential for abuse. Part II presents the relevant provisions of
CAT and the related U.S. reservations, declarations, and understandings
regarding CAT. Part III discusses the U.S. judicial interpretation of the
international law on torture, including CAT. Part IV examines and evaluates
the potential for enforcing certain controlling principles of international law
in the United States with regard to actions that violate the object and purpose
of a treaty. Part V considers the U.S. conduct that violates CAT. Finally,
Part VI lays out and evaluates the arguments that stun-belt torture victims
could advance under CAT in U.S. courts. The Note concludes that although the
official use and manufacture of stun belts violate CAT, the United States’
limited ratification of CAT effectively undermines stun-belt torture victims’
attempts to seek redress in U.S. courts for U.S. violations of the recognized
international human right to be free from torture.
The stun belt is an electronic device
used to control prisoners, detainees, and even defendants in court.
Secured around the waist, the belt shocks the wearer with 50,000 volts of
high-pulse electric current.
A police or prison officer can activate the belt by remote control from as far
away as 300 feet.
The electric shock lasts for eight full seconds and cannot be stopped once the
belt is activated.
The electric current enters the wearer’s body near the kidneys, travels along
blood channels and nerve pathways, and causes increasingly excruciating pain
throughout the eight seconds.
The shock usually knocks the victim down in the first few seconds, causes him
to shake uncontrollably during the entire period of discharge, and often leaves
him incapacitated for up to fifteen minutes.
Stun belt manufacturers promote the
device as an alternative to using leg-irons, leg-cuffs, or shackles to prevent
the risk of escape or threat by potentially violent or unruly prisoners and
detainees.
One of the largest U.S. manufacturers has even asserted that a stun belt is a
non-obvious mechanism to restrain a dangerous prisoner or defendant during
trial without compromising the defendant’s right to be presumed innocent.
Company representatives also claim that their devices are medically safe and
non-lethal when used properly.
Currently, there are no independent
formal studies of the physical and psychological effects of stun belts on human
beings.
The only test results appear in REACT belt advertising brochures as an
affidavit by a medical doctor, stating that he tested the belt on anesthetized
pigs.
The difference between conscious human beings fearing electrocution and sedated
pigs is only one of the reasons that undermine the adequacy of this study.
However, the official waiver that all prisoners must sign prior to wearing the
belt offers a glimpse at some of the belt’s most obvious effects – immediate
immobilization, which may result in defecation and urination, and welts on the
skin, which may not heal for up to six months.
Furthermore, general medical studies
on the effects of electrocution and reports of electric torture victims reveal
that immediate effects may include burning, confusion, amnesia, headaches,
nausea, convulsions, fainting, and cessation of heartbeat and breathing.
Secondary effects can last for hours or days after the initial shock and
include paralysis, muscular pain, swelling, headaches, vision impairment, and
heart irregularities.
Finally, long-term consequences can appear weeks to years after the shock and
include speech and writing difficulties, paralysis, loss of taste, and
long-term damage to teeth and hair.
The high-voltage, short-duration electrical shocks inflicted by stun belts may
result in grave or even fatal physical injuries, such as cardiac dirhythmia,
cardiac arrest, and possibly death in people taking psychotropic medications,
suffering from epilepsy, or having congenital heart defects.
Although electroshock torture’s
visible traces, such as skin reddening and scarring, may disappear within
weeks, the psychological effects may reverberate for years.
Manufacturers openly emphasize that the belt allows law enforcement officials
to establish “total psychological supremacy” over prisoners or detainees
wearing a stun belt.
One company’s president unambiguously promotes the belt’s effectiveness as a
function of the constant fear of severe pain it can inflict at any time upon a
person held in a situation of powerlessness: “Electricity speaks every language
known to man. No translation necessary. Everybody is afraid of electricity,
and rightfully so.”
A stun-belt distributor and trainer also confirms the tremendous psychological
impact of wearing the belt.
The manufacturer even argues that the belt serves as a deterrent rather than as
punishment because it can control the wearer’s behavior merely by creating a
great amount of anxiety about the possibility of experiencing a 50,000-volt
blow in the kidneys.
Such immense mental and emotional strain often results in serious psychological
problems such as post-traumatic stress disorder and severe depression.
The first reports of stun belt use in
the United States criminal justice system date back to 1993.
Although no official statistics on the use of stun belts in the United States
are available, Amnesty International reports that the U.S. Marshalls Service,
the U.S. Bureau of Prisons, and more than one hundred jurisdictions have
purchased stun belts and estimates that belts currently in use exceed 1,000
throughout the country.
One of the major manufacturers claimed in 1999 that prisoners had worn its
belts on over 50,000 occasions during the prior five years.
While the United States is hailed as
the birthplace of electro-shock technology in the 1970s, the manufacture and
use of stun devices, including stun belts, has proliferated throughout the
world, especially in the 1990s.
Whereas only two companies, one American and one British, produced stun devices
in the 1970s, more than 150 did in 2001, 97 of which were U.S. companies.
Stun belt use, in particular, has spread around the world and reaches as far as
Singapore and South Africa, where electro-shock torture is common.
Although most police or prison
officials would not activate stun belts without a reason, many reports describe
arbitrary and unwarranted official use.
The use of stun belts encourages an over-reliance on them by law enforcement
officials.
A U.S. law enforcement official stated that, in his experience, the mere
availability of stun guns and belts tends to increase their usage.
In a notorious California case, even a municipal judge ordered the activation
of a stun belt to silence a pro se defendant.
The belt’s reliance on creating psychological supremacy over prisoners and
detainees generates the perfect conditions for abuse in an environment already
notorious for incidents of arbitrary beatings, punishment, and torture.
A number of courts have recognized
the potential for abuse of electro-shock devices such as the stun belt.
In addition, the states of Michigan, Hawaii, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts,
as well as the cities of Washington, D.C., Baltimore, Maryland, and Annapolis,
Maryland, have all banned the use of stun weapons by civilians and police.
A number of European countries, including Belgium, Denmark, Finland,
Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United
Kingdom, have also prohibited all electro-shock weapons and devices, other than
cattle prods.”
On December 10, 1984, the United
Nations General Assembly adopted by consensus the Convention Against Torture
and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.
In the preamble, the drafters of CAT pointed out that the Convention further
develops the principles of human rights protection established in the United
Nations Charter,
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
Article One broadly defines torture
as the intentional infliction of severe physical or mental pain or suffering by
anyone acting in an official capacity for any impermissible purpose.
The definition has three elements: 1) torture is an act inflicting severe pain
or suffering; 2) by an official, a person acting in official capacity, or
anyone acting with the consent or acquiescence of a public official; 3) for any
impermissible purpose.
The breadth of this definition raises questions about the scope and nature of
the Convention’s prohibition against torture.
CAT suggests that acts of torture are
easily and clearly identifiable as long as they inflict severe physical or
mental pain or suffering for an impermissible purpose.
Some scholars have asserted that the nature, duration, and severity of the act
can serve as evidence of the perpetrator’s intent and thus find torture under
Article One.
Further, the language of Article One
appears to limit the definition of torture to acts by public officials or by
persons acting in an official capacity.
However, Article One can also reach private conduct by imposing liability for
acts inflicted “at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a
public official or other person acting in an official capacity.”
Thus, a public official need not carry out the acts of torture to be liable, as
long as he encourages, tolerates, or consents to such acts by private
individuals.
In this way, CAT can potentially reach private actors and create private
duties.
Paragraph Two of Article One supports this idea by endorsing the validity of
any international instrument or national legislation that ensures greater
protection from torture than CAT.
Finally, Article One provides a few
illustrative examples of impermissible purposes for inflicting torture, such as
the obtaining of information or a confession, inflicting punishment or
intimidation, or discriminating in any way against a person or a group.
Article One recognizes that any pain or suffering arising from, inherent in, or
incidental to legal sanctions does not constitute torture.
However, the sanction must be lawful under international rather than domestic
legal principles to prevent states from undermining the goals of CAT by
adopting draconian punishments.
Article Two requires each state party
to “take effective legislative, administrative, judicial or other measures to
prevent acts of torture in any territory under its jurisdiction.”
The article prohibits the use of superior orders or any exceptional
circumstances, such as war, internal political instability, or other public
emergency, as justification for torture.
Article Four directs each state party
to ensure that all acts and attempts to commit or aid in the commission of
torture constitute offenses under its domestic criminal law.
In this way, CAT again may reach private conduct, as long as it constitutes
complicity or participation in torture, and even may permit sanctions against
public officials who provide torture training and equipment to allied regimes.
Article Four also requires that, in defining the appropriate punishment for these
offenses, each state party should take into account their grave nature.
Article Ten, emphasizing the
prevention of torture, requires each state party to include education and
information about the prohibition of torture in the training and official rules
or instructions of anyone who may be in a position to inflict or prevent
torture.
In addition, Article Eleven requires systematic review of “interrogation rules,
instructions, methods and practices as well as arrangements for the custody and
treatment of persons subjected to any form of arrest, detention or
imprisonment.”
The above provisions embody CAT’s
purpose, as summarized in the preamble: “[T]o make more effective the struggle
against torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment
throughout the world.”
The 1986 report of the Special Rapporteur
declared in even stronger terms that CAT’s objective was to enable the
international community to continue and intensify its struggle against torture,
“the plague of the second half of the twentieth century.”
Even the United States, in its Statement of Reservations, Declarations and
Understandings of CAT,
recognized that “the object and purpose of the Convention [is] to prohibit
torture.”
Finally, Amnesty International carried forward CAT’s purpose and objective by
initiating in 2000 its international campaign for universal eradication of
torture.
Notably, a seminal U.S. judicial disposition that relied on CAT to recognize
the right to be free of physical torture as an established norm of
international law also declared that its holding was “a small but important
step in the fulfillment of the ageless dream to free all people from brutal
violence.”
CAT underscores the fundamental
social and political impact of torture by asserting that its prohibition aims
“to promote universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and
fundamental freedoms” which “derive from the inherent dignity of the human
person” and form “the foundation of freedom, justice, and peace in the world.”
The 1986 Special Rapporteur Report also pointed out that the “dehumanizing
effect of torture – the destruction of exactly that which makes man a human
being – . . . may well explain the general condemnation of the phenomenon of
torture.”
Finally, some commentators have asserted that, with its denial of transparency,
accountability, and responsibility and its blatant disregard of individual
rights, the official practice of torture not only undermines the notions of
good governance and democracy but also seeks to trump the law.
In this way, torture has far-reaching consequences for world order because it
“attacks the authority and legitimacy of the state, provokes or intensifies
social conflict, undermines the idea of peace, and, in its tacit claim to
unlimited social control, challenges the idea of the rule of law itself.”
The United States entered a large
number of reservations, understandings, and declarations when it ratified CAT.
Most significantly, the United States declared that the provisions of articles
1 through 16 of CAT were not self-executing.
U.S. courts often use the doctrine of non-self-executing treaties to refuse a
litigant’s desired application of a treaty provision.
Thus, an explicit legislative declaration or a judicial finding that a treaty
provision is not self-executing usually affects the success of treaty-based
claims for human rights violations.
The United States has also entered an
understanding about the definition of torture, which appears to be narrower
than the broad definition under Article One of CAT.
The understanding restricts the definition of torture by requiring a specific
intent to inflict severe physical or mental pain or suffering, by listing
concrete actions that produce mental pain or suffering, and by limiting
punishable acts of torture to those directed against persons in the offender’s
custody or physical control.
Further, the United States interprets CAT’s prohibition of official
acquiescence to torture as applying only to circumstances in which “the public
official, prior to the activity constituting torture, ha[s] knowledge of such
activity and thereafter breach[es] his legal responsibility to intervene to
prevent such activity.”
Although the legal effect of the U.S. declarations and understandings on
plaintiffs’ claims alleging CAT violations is somewhat ambiguous,
both international organizations and other state parties to CAT have expressed
strong objections to the understandings.
1. The Non-Self-Executing Declaration
In its usual interpretation, the
doctrine of non-self-executing (NSE) international agreements requires the
enactment of implementing legislation when the agreement “manifests an
intention that it shall not become effective as domestic law” without such
legislation.
Under this reading, individuals in U.S. jurisdictions cannot take cases to
their own domestic courts or to international courts or tribunals set up under
an NSE treaty without the enactment of legislation implementing the treaty as
U.S. domestic law.
CAT proponents who oppose NSE declarations claim that the U.S declaration
minimizes the possible enforcement of CAT in the United States and thus removes
some of CAT's essential guarantees.
Part VI shows that this argument is not without merit.
However, courts have interpreted
non-self-executing declarations in many different ways when presented with
treaty-based human rights claims.
Thus, both courts
and numerous scholars
agree that the term “not self-executing,” when applied to treaty provisions,
has multiple meanings.
This Note adopts the position that
“NSE declarations, properly construed, permit courts to apply the treaties
directly to provide a judicial remedy in some, but not all, cases that raise
meritorious treaty-based human rights claims.”
This position relies heavily on the analysis of statements by executive branch
officials to the Senate during ratification of human rights treaties.
Furthermore, this approach takes into account the political considerations and
constraints that shape the U.S. decisions regarding whether and how to ratify
international treaties.
In sum, NSE declarations attempt to reconcile two competing policy objectives:
(1) ensuring that the U.S. can comply with its treaty obligations; and (2)
preventing human rights treaties from changing domestic law.
Thus, NSE declarations serve as “window dressing” and enable ratification by
securing the votes of Senate members who oppose treaty-based changes to
domestic laws while still preserving the goal of treaty compliance.
In this way, U.S. treaty makers can avoid the political costs of making any
decision about possible trade-offs between the two objectives that they (claim
to) value equally.
In reality, various discrepancies
exist between U.S. treaty obligations and preexisting domestic laws, especially
in the arena of human rights.
Thus, judges must make the hard choice, which treaty makers skirted, of
determining the priority of each policy objective.
The wide range of judicial decisions regarding NSE declarations illustrates the
difficulty of this choice.
According to the above theory, the
legal effect of the United States’ NSE declaration regarding CAT does not
preclude all U.S. litigants from asserting claims under CAT without
implementing legislation.
Rather, only plaintiffs who rely on CAT as a source of a private cause of
action, i.e. seeking to modify domestic laws by expanding private rights
pursuant to an international treaty, cannot benefit from CAT’s substantive
provisions in their claim.
Alternatively, “where plaintiffs seek to raise treaty-based human rights claims
by relying on federal or state statutory or common law to establish a private
cause of action — courts should ask whether allowing the claim to go forward
would effectively deprive the NSE declarations of any legal force whatsoever.”
2. The Understanding Regarding the Definition
of Torture
U.S. judicial interpretation
undermines the official understanding that limits the definition of torture to
acts directed against persons in the offender’s custody or physical control.
A federal district court relied on the legislative history of a statute that
provided jurisdiction for the plaintiff’s torture claim to find a defendant
liable because he had the authority and discretion to order plaintiff’s release
although the plaintiff was never in the defendant’s custody or physical
control.
This precedent enables plaintiffs in federal courts to assert torture claims
consistent with CAT’s broad definition of torture.
In 1979 Dr. Filartiga, a Paraguayan
physician, brought a civil action in federal court in New York against
Pena-Irala, a citizen of Paraguay residing illegally in the United States.
The complaint alleged that Pena-Irala had tortured to death Filartiga’s seventeen-year
old son Joelito three years earlier.
In 1976, in his official capacity as Inspector General of the Police in
Paraguay, Pena-Irala kidnapped and severely tortured Joelito.
On the same day, the police brought Dr. Filartiga’s daughter to Pena-Irala’s
home where she saw her brother’s severely tortured and lifeless body.
As she fled in horror, Pena-Irala followed her and shouted that she deserved
the same fate.
Dr. Filartiga believed that Pena-Irala tortured and killed his son in
retaliation for his own political activities and beliefs as a long-standing
opponent of Paraguay’s oppressive regime.
Dr. Filartiga brought the action
against Pena-Irala primarily under the Alien Tort Claims Act (ATCA),
which creates a federal cause of action for suits alleging (1) torts committed
anywhere in the world, (2) against aliens, (3) in violation of the law of
nations or a treaty of the United States.
Because the plaintiffs did not allege that their action arose directly under a
U.S. treaty, the court inquired whether the defendant’s conduct violated the
law of nations.
Plaintiffs invoked many treaties and international instruments, including the
predecessor of CAT, the U.N. Declaration Against Torture, as evidence of the
international customary law prohibiting official torture.
After reviewing all relevant sources
of customary international law, the Second Circuit held that torture
constitutes a civil wrong because it violates customary international law.
Although this case predated the drafting of CAT and its subsequent ratification
by the United States, it expanded the role of domestic courts in the
application of human rights law in general and in the law relating to the
prohibition of torture in particular.
Specifically, by extending legal remedies to private plaintiffs, Filartiga provided
an important method of subjecting a torturer to legal proceedings
and endorsed ATCA as the jurisdictional vehicle that allows private claimants
to allege violations of treaty-based human rights.
Fifteen years later, after the United
States had ratified CAT, the same court addressed the question of liability for
torture inflicted by a person who did not act under the authority of a
recognized state.
A group of citizens from newly-independent Bosnia-Herzegovina brought an action
against Radovan Karadzic, President of the self-proclaimed Bosnian-Serb
republic (Srpska) within Bosnia-Herzegovina, for various acts of torture and
genocide carried out by military forces under his command.
The plaintiffs asserted federal jurisdiction for their claim primarily under
ATCA.
The court found that plaintiffs, being aliens and bringing a tort action,
satisfied the statute’s first two requirements.
The court then focused on the third element and inquired whether Karadzic
violated the law of nations if he did not act as an official of an
internationally recognized state but rather as a private individual when he
directed his subordinate military forces to perpetrate torture and genocide.
The court concluded that “certain
forms of conduct violate the law of nations whether undertaken by those acting
under the auspices of a state or only as private individuals.”
Thus, Karadzic was liable under the ATCA for acts of torture “without regard to
state action, to the extent that [these acts] were committed in pursuit of
genocide or war crimes.”
The court discussed the international consensus on the prohibition against
torture and found that even an illegitimate regime is a state for purposes of
international law violations that require state action.
This holding demonstrates the court’s willingness to treat the “official
action” requirement flexibly, even if it would not go so far as to impose
liability on purely private actors for acts of torture.
A few months before the Kadic
decision, the federal District Court in Massachusetts also found blatant
violations of international law in a civil action by Guatemalan and United
States citizens against Guatemala’s former Minister of Defense Hector Gramajo.
Over an eight-year period, the plaintiffs and their family members suffered
brutal torture and other violent abuse at the hands of the Guatemalan military
forces acting under the orders and direction of the defendant while he occupied
high-ranking positions, including Minister of Defense, in the Guatemalan
Government.
The court relied on U.S. federal law
precedent
in its analysis of the Guatemalan plaintiffs’ torture claims under
international law, as well as a number of international agreements and
conventions
that “have established beyond question that the use of official torture is
strictly prohibited by the most fundamental principles of international law.”
On that basis, the court concluded that the plaintiffs’ allegations fit
squarely within the definition of torture and the universal and obligatory
prohibition against it.
The court also clearly stated its
preference for the Filartiga approach that focused on protecting
substantive rights created by international law.
In contrast, an alternative approach looked to domestic (municipal) law as a
source of substantive rights a plaintiff might seek to enforce through ATCA’s
grant of jurisdiction.
The court emphatically stressed the “inadequacy of municipal law to address,
meaningfully, such human rights violations as . . . torture.”
Significantly, the court pointed out that CAT itself created “an obligation
incumbent upon individual nations to see that such violations of international
law are redressed.”
This treaty-based obligation supports the court’s holding that ATCA creates a
federal private cause of action in U.S. courts for tortious violations of
international law, without recourse to domestic law, as a source of the cause
of action.
Further, in its ruling in favor of
the American plaintiff’s claim under TVPA, the court effectively eliminated the
statute’s limitation to “[a]cts directed against an individual in the
offender’s custody or physical control.”
The plaintiff was never in the defendant’s personal custody or physical control
since Gramajo was never present where and when the plaintiff was subjected to
torture.
However, the court looked to the statute’s legislative history to find Gramajo
liable under TVPA because he had authority and discretion to order plaintiff’s
release.
This judicial interpretation makes the application of TVPA consistent with
CAT’s broad definition of torture, which encompasses acts carried out with the
“consent or acquiescence of a public official,” and thus effectively undermines
the official U.S. position that seeks to limit the definition of torture in
this respect.
D. Torture Claims Under International Law
in U.S. Courts
The three cases presented above
define the approach to bringing claims for treaty-based human rights violations
in U.S. courts. Filartiga defines torture as a civil wrong because it
violates customary international law and enables private litigants to bring
treaty-based torture claims in federal courts via ATCA.
Further, Kadic establishes that international law imposes individual
liability for torture committed by private individuals in pursuit of “certain
forms of conduct [that] violate the law of nations,” such as genocide or war
crimes.
Finally, Xuncax eliminates TVPA’s limitation of torture and endorses
ATCA’s creation of a private right to sue in U.S. courts for tortious
violations of international law.
These three cases
demonstrate that, despite the official reservations to CAT, U.S. courts not
only willingly apply CAT’s principles in deciding domestic cases, but also tend
to interpret liberally the two domestic statutes, ATCA and TVPA, that enable
U.S. litigants to bring torture claims to match the scope of protection against
torture guaranteed by CAT.
While courts observe and use the
principles of CAT to enhance protection against torture, a number of U.S.
companies develop, produce, market, and export electro-shock devices, such as
stun belts, that serve as instruments of torture in the hands of law
enforcement officials both in the United States and abroad.
Although no language in CAT specifically prohibits the manufacture and export
of torture devices,
international jurisprudence on the interpretation of international conventions
stipulates that actions in violation of the object and purpose of an
international agreement violate the agreement itself.
In this respect, the United States arguably violates CAT on two levels — by
entering reservations and understandings that undermine the object and purpose
of CAT
and by “consent[ing] or acquiesc[ing]” through its public officials to the
development, manufacture, and marketing of torture devices, thereby promoting
their use throughout the United States and abroad.
The Vienna Convention on the Law of
Treaties
stipulates that “[a] State . . . may, when signing, ratifying, . . . accepting,
approving or acceding to a treaty, formulate a reservation unless . . . the
reservation is incompatible with the object and purpose of the treaty.”
Thus, the United States’ understandings and reservations to CAT seek to limit
any obligation to provide protections above those defined by its own existing
domestic law and practice.
Critics of this practice argue that if state parties to international
agreements that set universal standards for the protection of human rights
routinely enter such limitations, they would effectively render these
agreements futile.
The U.N. Human Rights Committee has expressed its clear disapproval of such
practice in the context of the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights (ICCPR):
Of particular concern
are widely formulated reservations which essentially render ineffective all
Covenant rights which would require any change in national law to ensure
compliance with Covenant obligations. No real international rights or
obligations have thus been accepted . . . . So that reservations do not lead
to a perpetual non-attainment of international human rights standards,
reservations should not systematically reduce the obligations undertaken only
to those presently existing in less demanding standards of domestic law. Nor
should interpretative declarations or reservations seek to remove an autonomous
meaning to Covenant obligations, by pronouncing them to be identical, or to be
accepted only in so far as they are identical, with existing provisions of
domestic law.
However, the international customary
law on treaties neutralizes the effect of unacceptable reservations by
rendering them severable and void: “The normal consequence of an unacceptable
reservation is not that the Covenant will not be in effect at all for a
reserving party. Rather, such a reservation will generally be severable, in
the sense that the Covenant will be operative for the reserving party without
benefit of the reservation.”
Furthermore, the Vienna Convention
unambiguously requires that any state party to an international treaty not act
in any way against the purpose and objective of the treaty until the state
clearly expresses its intention not to be bound by the treaty.
In the context of CAT, U.S. law enforcement officials’ use of torture devices,
such as stun belts, and the consent or acquiescence of U.S. official
authorities to the development, production, marketing, and world-wide sales by
U.S. manufacturers of stun belts, would amount to such action.
Similarly, U.S. government training programs instructing both U.S. and foreign
law enforcement officials in the use of electro-shock devices, such as stun
belts, violate both specific provisions of CAT and its objective to eradicate
torture.
However, United States courts could
apply the principles of the Vienna Convention only by recognizing them as an
established norm of international law because the United States is not a party
to the Vienna Convention.
Although some federal courts have adopted such an approach in international
commercial dispute cases,
this Note evaluates the potential for enforcing compliance with CAT’s prohibition
against torture under the terms of CAT itself.
Using stun belts on prisoners and
detainees in the United States satisfies the three elements of CAT’s definition
of torture.
First, the documented physical and mental consequences of 50,000-volt,
eight-second long electric shocks prove that stun belts inflict severe physical
and mental pain and suffering.
Second, numerous sources, including manufacturer sales statistics,
Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) investigations, and even judicial opinions,
show that public officials throughout the United States use stun belts.
Third, documented cases of stun belt abuse reveal an impermissible purpose for
activating the belt.
Therefore, stun belt use by U.S. law enforcement officials constitutes torture
under CAT.
Article Four of CAT requires each
state party to criminalize the perpetration, complicity, or participation in
torture and to define appropriate penalties for these grave offenses.
Various sources document that the primary customers of stun-belt manufacturers
are U.S. local, state, and federal law enforcement agencies as well as foreign
law enforcement agencies.
In fact, the manufacturers specifically target law enforcement agencies in
their marketing campaigns.
Official use of stun belts on people in custody constitutes torture.
Developing, manufacturing, marketing, selling, and exporting stun belts for use
by government officials throughout the United States and abroad serves the
purpose of developing the market and thus increases the demand for devices that
inflict torture.
Therefore, the stun-belt manufacturers’ conduct amounts to impermissible
complicity with torture under CAT.
To enforce compliance with CAT
through U.S. courts, plaintiffs must assert specific instances of
non-compliance that violate the human rights CAT protects.
The main vehicles for raising torture claims in U.S. courts are CAT, as a treaty
of the United States, and ATCA, as a statute granting federal jurisdiction over
treaty-based claims of torture.
The plaintiffs invoking CAT or ATCA in U.S. courts may be U.S. citizens or
aliens.
The defendants in cases alleging that stun belt manufacture violates CAT may
include the U.S. government and its officials for perpetration of, or U.S.
stun-belt manufacturers for complicity with, torture by stun belts.
This Part will evaluate the adequacy of CAT as ratified by the United States
and the adequacy of ATCA in seeking to enforce compliance with CAT through U.S.
courts.
A.
Bringing Claims Under CAT as Ratified by the United States
CAT primarily imposes affirmative
obligations on state parties.
Specifically, CAT requires governments to criminalize the perpetration of,
complicity with, or participation in torture.
CAT also requires each state party to provide an effective remedy to any
torture victim
and to observe the victim’s right to an individual hearing before an impartial
tribunal.
Some commentators assert that the right to an individual hearing does not
entail the right to judicial review although any person whose rights are
violated should obtain an effective remedy.
However, in the United States, courts are the only “competent authority” that
can adjudicate the merits of individual claims and provide a remedy.
1.
Jurisdiction Under CAT
CAT’s Article Five explicitly
requires state parties to establish jurisdiction over acts of torture committed
in the state’s territory by a national of that state against a victim of that
state.
CAT permits a state party to exercise discretion in deciding whether to grant
jurisdiction to victims who are citizens of the state.
Thus, the U.S. NSE declaration is relevant to a U.S. litigants’ ability to base
jurisdiction on CAT when bringing torture claims before U.S. courts.
In 1994
Congress enacted implementing legislation “only to establish Article 5(1)(b)
jurisdiction over offenses committed by U.S. nationals outside the United
States, and to establish Article 5(2) jurisdiction over foreign offenders
committing torture abroad who are later found in territory under U.S.
jurisdiction.”
The legislation limited implementation of CAT only with regard to these two
issues.
Thus, in light of the NSE declaration, the United States apparently intended to
ensure that no CAT provisions other than the identified Article Five
subsections acquire domestic legal effect.
However, the extensive
pre-ratification Senate hearings demonstrate no intent to limit CAT’s domestic
legal effect only to acts of torture committed outside the United States.
In fact, when Senator Helms asked whether CAT would apply “if a law enforcement
official in New York tortures a suspect in custody in New York whose alleged criminal
activity took place in New York,” the State Department Legal Adviser simply
answered “Yes.”
Thus, the official NSE declaration does not bar plaintiffs from basing
jurisdiction on CAT for torture claims in U.S. courts because the U.S.
legislation implementing Article Five did not intend to preclude other CAT
provisions from having domestic legal effect upon ratification.
However, under CAT’s Article Five, only U.S. citizens would be able to assert
that U.S. courts have jurisdiction over their torture claims.
2. Substantive Claims Under CAT
a. Claims Against U.S. Government
Officials
Using stun belts on prisoners and
detainees in the United States satisfies the three elements of CAT’s definition
of torture.
Notably, the U.S. understanding that restricts the CAT definition of torture by
requiring specific intent and direct custody or physical control would not
undermine a stun-belt torture victim’s claims because the victim can show
specific intent by proving that the officials intended for him to experience
the adverse effects of stun-belt use (or else they would not have pushed the
button) and because Xuncax eliminated the direct custody or physical
control requirement.
Therefore, stun-belt use by U.S. law enforcement officials constitutes torture
under CAT as ratified by the United States and as interpreted by federal
courts. Thus, any U.S. citizen who is the victim of stun belt use at the hands
of U.S. law enforcement officials has a meritorious claim under CAT.
A successful federal class action
seeking to enjoin U.S. law enforcement agencies and their officials from using
stun belts on anyone in custody would deprive stun belt manufacturers of a
significant portion of their market.
However, evidence shows that U.S. manufacturers export stun belts to a number
of other countries.
Therefore, a more effective way to curtail stun-belt torture would be to hold
manufacturers liable.
b. Claims Against U.S. Manufacturers
Article Four of CAT requires each
state party to criminalize the perpetration of, complicity with, or
participation in torture and to define appropriate penalties for these grave
offenses.
Developing, manufacturing, marketing, selling, and exporting stun belts for the
use of government officials throughout the United States and abroad amounts to
complicity with torture.
The Model Penal Code defines
“complicity” as aiding, agreeing, or attempting to aid another person in
committing a criminal offense.
This definition is consistent with CAT’s requirement that state parties make
complicity with torture a criminal offense.
However, so far the United States has not taken any measures to modify its
domestic criminal laws in accordance with CAT.
In fact, the official NSE declaration attests to the political ideal, if not
the intent, to avoid modifying domestic laws pursuant to international
treaties.
At least two U.S. federal courts have
based considered liability for complicity with international human rights
violations in the framework of the domestic criminal law concepts of
“conspiracy” and “aiding and abetting.”
This approach suggests that plaintiffs suing stun-belt manufacturers under CAT
could avoid the pernicious effect of the NSE declaration by asserting that
their claim does not seek to expand domestic law because the existing crimes of
conspiracy and aiding and abetting are analogous to complicity under CAT.
The two cases, however, have limited (if any) precedential value over a
CAT-based claim because both courts asserted subject matter jurisdiction under
ATCA and not under a U.S. treaty.
Thus, to the extent that imposing liability for complicity with torture
requires the expansion of domestic laws, the NSE declaration means that
plaintiffs cannot bring a claim under CAT against stun-belt manufacturers in
U.S. courts.
The Alien Tort Claims Act grants to
federal courts jurisdiction over any civil action (1) by an alien, (2) for a
tort only, (3) committed in violation of the law of nations or a treaty of the
United States.
Both official use and private manufacture of stun belts violate CAT, which is a
“treaty of the United States.”
These CAT violations encroach upon torture victims’ international and domestic
human rights and thus are legal “torts.”
Therefore, nothing in the language of the statute would preclude any alien from
bringing suit in U.S. federal court against U.S. government officials for
perpetrating torture by using stun belts or against U.S. stun-belt
manufacturers for complicity with torture.
Whenever U.S. courts have imposed
civil liability for torture under ATCA, however, they have not relied on CAT as
an independent source of law but rather as evidence that freedom from torture
is a prevalent norm of customary international law.
Therefore, the current U.S. precedent has limited value for plaintiffs who wish
to assert a human rights treaty violation under ATCA.
To complicate matters further, U.S. courts have consistently held that the
doctrine of sovereign immunity bars claims against the U.S. government and its
officials under ATCA.
1.
Limitations of the ATCA Precedent
U.S. courts have ruled in favor of
alien plaintiffs who have asserted under ATCA that torture by foreign
government officials violates the law of nations or customary international
law.
Federal courts have also imposed liability under ATCA on corporate defendants
who conspired with state actors in committing human rights abuses and thus
violated customary international law.
In the cases that have invoked CAT, plaintiffs have used it merely as evidence
that the prohibition of official torture is an established norm of
international customary law.
Thus, alien plaintiffs who sue U.S.
government officials for inflicting torture by stun belts would be better off
adhering to the precedent and not asserting their claim under the treaties
prong of ATCA.
Similarly, alien plaintiffs should assert that, by developing, manufacturing,
marketing, and selling stun belts to U.S. law enforcement agencies,
manufacturers entered into a conspiracy with state actors to violate the
international customary law on torture as evidenced by CAT.
The avoidance of asserting CAT as an independent source of law to maximize
alien plaintiffs’ chances of success in seeking to curtail torture in the
United States is a paradoxical strategy in a country that has ratified CAT.
However, this paradox is a direct consequence of the U.S. NSE declaration that
precludes CAT’s substantive provisions from having any legal effect as domestic
law in the absence of comprehensive implementing legislation.
This situation illustrates the relevance of the position that the United States
should withdraw its reservations, declarations, and understandings with regard
to CAT.
2. The
Pernicious Effect of the Sovereign Immunity Doctrine on Claims Under ATCA
Cases under ATCA against the United
States or its officials have inevitably failed because of the doctrine of
sovereign immunity.
This doctrine bars any suit against the United States without its explicit
consent.
Courts have asserted that ATCA claims are subject to the sovereign immunity
doctrine because the United States’ decision to enact ATCA does not express its
consent to being sued by aliens for torts in its own courts.
Therefore, U.S. courts will most likely invoke the sovereign immunity doctrine
to dismiss any alien plaintiffs’ claims under ATCA for U.S. government
officials’ torture by stun belts.
Once again, this inevitable
dismissal under the sovereign immunity doctrine results from the U.S. NSE declaration
limiting CAT’s legal effect as domestic law in the absence of comprehensive
implementing legislation.
Enacting CAT fully would eliminate such problems.
Conclusion
The United Nations Convention Against
Torture seeks to reduce and eventually eliminate all instances of torture by
anyone acting in an official capacity.
To further this objective, CAT also prohibits complicity with official torture.
Because stun belt use in the hands of law enforcement officials violates CAT,
the manufacture of stun belts only serves to further develop the market and
thus expand the potential for stun-belt torture.
In this way, stun belt manufacture amounts to complicity with torture and
violates CAT.
The Vienna Convention on The Law of
Treaties requires that the United States, as a party to CAT, not permit or
engage in actions that undermine or contradict CAT’s purpose and objective.
However, at this time U.S. courts are not likely to invoke those principles to
enforce compliance with CAT, absent a U.S. judicial recognition of the Vienna
Convention as customary international law in the context of treaty-based human
rights violations claims.
Therefore, stun-belt torture victims in the United States must rely on CAT’s
substantive provisions to seek redress for their violated right to be free from
torture.
Despite the official U.S. declaration
that CAT’s substantive provisions are not self-executing, the U.S. treaty
makers intended at least to create a basis for jurisdiction over private claims
by U.S. citizens for torture under CAT.
The Alien Tort Claims Act grants the same jurisdictional powers of U.S. federal
courts over aliens’ claims.
Nevertheless, the NSE declaration
precludes U.S. citizens from invoking CAT’s substantive provisions in U.S.
courts to create a new private cause of action for official torture or
complicity therewith.
Thus, plaintiffs must find a similar cause of action under domestic law that
would enable them to obtain adequate redress.
The doctrine of sovereign immunity similarly bars aliens’ attempts to sue U.S.
government officials for inflicting torture.
In addition, no U.S. courts have applied CAT’s substantive provisions under
ATCA to find liability for torture, but have looked instead to established
norms of customary international law.
These significant and very real
obstacles to obtaining remedy for human rights violations under a treaty of the
United States convert the U.S. ratification of CAT into little more than a
symbolic gesture. Such treatment of an important international treaty
protecting an essential human right is inconsistent with the central role the
United States plays in the international legal and political arena.
Plamen
I. Russev
. See
Elizabeth Olson, U.S. Prisoner Restraints Amount to Torture, Geneva
Panel Says, N.Y. Times, May
18, 2000, at A12 (reporting the finding of the U.N. Convention Against Torture
Monitoring Committee that use by U.S. law enforcement officials of stun belts
to restrain prisoners violates CAT); see also Dahlberg, supra note
5, at 265-90 (arguing that
stun belt use violates the Eighth Amendment cruel and unusual punishment
clause, the Sixth Amendment right to counsel and the Fourteenth Amendment due process
clause of the U.S. Constitution). See generally, Nagan & Atkins, supra
note 53.
. Id.
at 41-2 (discussion between Sen. Helms and Abraham Sofaer, State Department
Legal Adviser).
[210]. See
Fed. R. Civ. P. 23. But see Catharine A. MacKinnon, Collective Harms
Under the Alien Tort Statute: A Cautionary Note on Class Actions, 6 ILSA J. Int'l & Comp. L. 567, 573
(2000) (warning that class actions can deprive human rights abuse victims of
direct or actual representation, thus “furthering the deprivation of humanity
that human rights law promises to restore”).
. E.g.,
Iwanowa v. Ford Motor Co., 67 F. Supp. 2d 424, 439-47 (D.N.J. 1999) (finding
Ford a de facto state actor who subjected plaintiff to unpaid labor in
Nazi Germany and thus violated the law of nations); Eastman Kodak Co. v.
Kavlin, 978 F. Supp. 1078, 1094 (S.D. Fla. 1997) (finding a Bolivian corporate
official liable for conspiring with state officials in subjecting plaintiff to
arbitrary detention in violation of international customary law).
. See Restatement, supra note 90, §
111 (postulating that NSE declarations, in conjunction with implementing
legislation, determine whether a treaty has effect as domestic, as opposed to
international, law and whether the treaty may provide the rule of decision in
domestic proceedings).