India's Agonies
The New York Times, May 27, 1996
Byline: by Steven R. Weisman
The growing alienation between Hindus and Muslims in India may seem difficult for outsiders to
grasp. But consider the story of a destitute Muslim woman who, two decades ago, dared to file
for alimony in an Indian court when her well-to-do husband divorced her after 43 years of
marriage. Her case provides a window into the agonies of modern India, demonstrating why it is
often hard to reconcile the ideals of civil society with the anxieties of a beleaguered minority community.
In 1985, the Indian Supreme Court ruled that Shah Bano, the divorced woman, was entitled to a
$40 monthly payment from her ex-husband, even though Muslim law calls for no such thing.
Instead, Muslim law requires a divorced women to get financial help from her own family or the
community at large. After a storm of protest by Muslims that their own personal law should
govern the Muslim community, as promised from India's earliest days of independence, Prime
Minister Rajiv Gandhi rammed a bill through Parliament reversing the Supreme Court decision.
It was a deeply unpopular move, contributing greatly to the disenchantment with Mr. Gandhi
among feminists, secularists and, most of all, the broad Hindu middle class.
As it happened, Mr. Gandhi's attempt to keep Muslim voters in his political corner has not
succeeded. In the recent Indian election, Muslims defected from the long-ruling Congress Party
in droves. The Hindu middle class in the north, meanwhile, helped give the country's leading
Hindu nationalist party its biggest victory, and the first opportunity to govern, in history. With 35
percent of the seats in the new Parliament, the party appears unlikely to be able to put together a
majority. But part of the danger posed by the party remains its pledge to repeal the Shah Bano
law and force Indian Muslims to live under a uniform civil code that applies to all.
Eleven years after the original divorce decision, it is amazing how passionate Indians can be on
the subject. My own sympathies are deeply divided. It seems grossly unjust to force Muslim
women to live under a medieval code of religious law inside a society based on secular ideals.
Muslim law itself is not sacrosanct in many Muslim countries. Pakistan, for example, does not
cut off the hands of thieves or stone adulterers, though some Muslim clerics would like to see
that happen.
But for India's Muslim minority, the issue has important symbolic overtones that cannot be
ignored. Though many Muslims have risen to prominence in Indian society, most are
economically worse off than the Hindu majority. Many centuries after the Mogul and Persian
invasions and mass conversions to Islam, the Hindu nationalist parties see Muslims as interlopers
much the same way that Serbs in Bosnia question the loyalty of Muslims there. After Hindu
gangs tore down a prominent mosque in Ayodhya in 1992, other mobs carried out the worst anti-Muslim riots since independence. In Bombay, there was evidence of police involvement in what
can legitimately be described as a pogrom.
Unfortunately, there is little doubt what would happen if a Hindu rightist coalition were to try to
throw out the Muslim personal law as it applies to Muslims. Muslims would rise up in protest, as
they did after Ayodhya, and the Hindu rightist gangs that support the Hindu parties would wage
war against them across the country. These gangs already have a long list of mosques they would
like to destroy, and the Hindu political parties have a sorry record of controlling their gangs.
Muslim leaders have not acted responsibly on the issue. Many secular Muslims are afraid to
speak up against the mullahs who try to stir up trouble. They should work instead to bring the
Muslim civil code into the modern era. But the primary obligation resides with India's Hindu
majority, which is at a dangerous crossroads. Kashmir, the one region with a Muslim majority,
must be handled sensitively. If India wants to keep it from seceding, it cannot take the other step
demanded by the Hindu rightists, repealing laws that prevent Hindus outside Kashmir from
buying property there.
Those stirred by India's lofty ideals are often heartbroken by India's failure to live up to them. But
the reason we care is that India is struggling with the problems of building a democratic society
while respecting diversity.